Among the eight were liberals and conservatives, teachers, store clerks, workplace managers, and single moms. In 2013, Jofridur Hanna Sigfusdottir, a payroll clerk at a municipality workplace in Kopavogur in southwestern Iceland, filed a criticism to the government’s Complaints Committee on equal rights arguing that a male counterpart was a pay grade greater. Both the Women’s History Archive and the Hinsegin Huldkonur project are trying again over a male-dominated historic report to seek out the ladies whose lives and tales are hidden in archival collections and in undiscovered attic bins. Of course, this work of refocusing our historical awareness and filling in the archival gaps isn’t unique to Iceland. This similar work is being carried out by skilled and newbie public historians everywhere in the U.S. who understand that equal illustration in historic research cannot transfer forward without primary sources.
Womens Rights Are Human Rights
They still have less economic power than men – only 22% of managers are women; only 30% of specialists on TV are women; and women still earn round 14% less than men. Iceland’s report on all of these fronts is better than most nations; in the UK, women’s hourly pay is eighteen girls of iceland% less than men. Grassroots activism at such a scale unsurprisingly had a big material impression. Within five years, the nation had the world’s first democratically elected feminine president – Vigdis Finnbogadottir. Now in her 80s, this steely-eyed powerhouse tells me of the impact that day of protest had on her personal career trajectory.
In Iceland, Its A Womans World
Filling in the gaps in our collections and archives lays a basis of historical knowledge for researchers and writers from middle faculty to the academy to construct upon. While there is a broad consciousness that more attention should be paid to women’s history, there is still an extended methods to go.
Rakel advised me that solely 12-20% of doc’s in Iceland’s archives are by or about women. Yet, women I met on my journey had been also clear that the nation has a long way to go.
Most just lately the #metoo movement uncovered systematic harassment, violence and everyday sexism that girls at all ranges of Icelandic society are subjected to. Moreover, the movement revealed the a number of discriminations suffered by migrant women in a rustic that has throughout historical past been comparatively ethnically homogenous. Many feminine politicians in Iceland would by no means have gotten the place we are today if it wasn’t for childcare and parental depart. And on this sense, governments and parliaments can paved the way by adopting policies which were shown to bridge the gender hole, quite than widen it.
For us, it meant that we were not forced to decide on between having a household or having a profession; a alternative that women in lots of nations are faced with, limiting women’s participation in the labour market and their entry to decision making. Today, Aðalheiður Bjarnfreðsdóttir’s predictions ring true, because the Women’s Day Off (or Women’s Strike) has turn into a prominent characteristic of Iceland’s picture as a front-runner in gender equality. This image is commonly promoted in foreign media, which usually holds up Iceland as a constructive counterexample to realities in different international locations. For example, throughout a conference on gender violence in Reykjavík last September, Angela Davis evoked the reminiscence of the Women’s Strike in distinction to “the grave political predicament” of her personal homeland in the United States. It was Aðalheiður who captured the hearts and minds of the viewers, speaking without notes concerning the disrespect women faced of their work.
They were thought-about an auxiliary workforce, to be called out when work was lots however despatched house when it became scarce. She believed that girls were a pressure for change and would, in time, have something to indicate for their efforts and solidarity. With October 24 quick approaching, the ladies plunged into preparations. The fundraising committee produced stickers for sale and contacted labor unions and organizations for monetary help. The union for female domestic and care workers, Sókn, was the primary to contribute financially, even though its members lived off the nation’s lowest wages. Organizers’ primary argument as they circulated posters and flyers was that girls’s contribution to Icelandic society was undervalued.
Women obtained lower salaries than men in comparable occupations and weren’t represented on the main negotiating committee of the Icelandic Confederation of Labor (ASÍ). Flyers also invoked the dearth of support for working moms and the undervaluation of the contribution of female farmers, housewives, and different teams of ladies. Plans nonetheless continued apace, involving wider circles of labor and women’s activists. For the Redstockings, the occasion continued to be a strike, regardless of the name change — and left-wing media followed suit. The Alþýðublaðið newspaper, owned by the Social Democratic Party, declared that its male staff would not be strikebreakers, as an example refusing to reply the telephone while the feminine receptionist was putting. Among the overall population, there was understandably some confusion about whether or not men had been allowed to fill women’s roles within the workplace on October 24.
By learning from each other and sharing experiences, I imagine that we’ll move nearer towards our aim. To this day, the Gender Gap Index doesn’t measure violence towards women and neither does any other comparable index. Police reports solely inform half the story and official and societal definitions of what counts as violence might differ between cultures. Yet, some kind of comparability on charges of violence against women would, doubtless, put additional pressure on governments to step up their game to eliminate these persistent human rights violations. Yet, regardless of Iceland’s progress, structural inequalities are still persistent in the nation.
The solidarity that the Icelandic women’s movement built in the Nineteen Seventies and the Eighties laid the muse for welfare insurance policies that have liberated women in the country in many ways. My era was born into an environment of girls’s liberation. As children we have been surrounded by role models, where women took up extra space in society than that they had ever carried out before. Women had been marching on the road and the primary female president, Vigdís Finnbogadóttir, was elected.